I am not going to pretend to be an expert on Anark’s whole body of work. I have only watched a handful of his videos, on recommendation from an anarchist I know. But what I did see was enough to recognize: petty-bourgeois anarchism dressed up in the language and strappings of rigorous theory. The starting point it appears is never class struggle, production, imperialism, state power, colonial pressure, or the actual historical tasks of socialist construction. It is abstract “power,” abstract “authority,” abstract “domination,” and then a moral judgment against every real revolutionary state for failing to match an idealized fantasy of immediate anti-authoritarian purity.
In theoretical terms: phrase-mongering and infantile ultra-leftism. From what I have seen, his understanding of Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, and existing socialist states is paper-thin. Socialist construction under siege, blockade, sabotage, civil war, peasant backwardness, imperialist encirclement, and restorationist pressure gets flattened into a morality tale about “authoritarianism.”
His definition of power is fine, if overly individualist: “the ability to successfully enact one’s will.” This makes sense given individualism being a pillar of anarchism. But the definition of “authoritarianism” is yet another vacuous redefinition to add to the pile. It strips analysis of class content, state form, property relations, and historical function. “The degree to which a power structure monopolizes control over the total social implementation of some power” sounds precise, but it tells us almost nothing. Which class controls it? Through what institutions? On the basis of what property relations? Against whom is coercion being used? In what historical situation? A workers’ state, a fascist state, a colonial state, a bourgeois liberal state, and a revolutionary army can all be made to fit vague language about monopoly, coercion, and implementation. Returning it once again to a label for designated bad countries™.
Your claim that defending proletarian power is “not materialist” because it supposedly relies on people with the correct ideas doing domination is a misunderstanding of the argument. Marxist-Leninists do not defend proletarian state power because the people wielding it have nicer opinions. We defend it because class power is materially rooted. A bourgeois state defends private property, capital accumulation, wage labour, imperialist extraction, and the dictatorship of capital not because they have bad ideas but that it is directly within their class interest to do so. A proletarian state, however imperfectly and under real contradiction, is a transitional instrument for suppressing the old exploiting classes, socializing production, defending the revolution, and reorganizing society toward communism not because they have better ideas but again because it is directly in their class interest to do so.
You also misunderstand class when you claim that administrators in socialist states simply become a ruling class of bureaucrats because they administer. Administrators, planners, party officials, and state functionaries can absolutely develop bureaucratic distortions, careerism, privilege, and contradictions. Marxist-Leninists do not need anarchists to discover bureaucracy for us. But a bureaucrat without private ownership of the means of production, without the legal right to buy, sell, bequeath, and accumulate productive property as capital, does not occupy a different class but a different stratum of the same class.
And it is obviously valid to point out that words were specifically chosen for their negative connotations. An unrelated example to show the point: there’s a reason western media uses regime for talking about “designated bad countries™” governments despite it effectively being a synonym of government, it’s the connotation. Criticising this is again obviously valid.
I am not going to pretend to be an expert on Anark’s whole body of work.
I can tell. I will ignore your wrong, and partially ad-hominem attacks on Anark (like him supposedly not understanding Marx). They are baseless and tangential to the discussion.
This makes sense given individualism being a pillar of anarchism.
It seems as if you claim that individualism is the main pillar of anarchism, which ignores the anarchist collectivist tradition. Anarchism focuses both on the individual and the collective.
But the definition of “authoritarianism” is yet another vacuous redefinition to add to the pile. […]
It is an abstract term with an abstract definition. All the things you mention can be subsumed under that abstract definition.
It seems you have a problem with abstraction in general. It seems that’s due to motivated reasoning, rather than the wish to do scientifically/logically rigorous thinking.
Returning it once again to a label for designated bad countries™.
That’s motivated reasoning. The critique is against all states, not against “designated bad countries™”.
[…] because it is directly in their class interest to do so.
You complain about abstract definitions before and now you hide against the huge abstraction of “clars interest”.
You claim that the party (the controling body of the so-called “socialist” states) has “proletarian class interests”. But that implies that the members of the party are actually part of the proletarian class. This supposed class membership is purely idealist. A materialist analysis suggests however, that they are not proletarian, but a class of bureaucrats.
You also misunderstand class when you claim that administrators in socialist states simply become a ruling class of bureaucrats because they administer.
That’s not all they do. Anark’s critique doesn’t attack administration. But they administer via authoritarian and domination strategies.
I will ignore your critique of the form, since it’s not directed at the argument made.
Edit:
I still didn’t see any argument made about how this definition fits the term “western propaganda”, except for “word sounds scary”, which doesn’t critique the content of the definition. The same points would be valid if you called it “power-monopolized”.
But that implies that the members of the party are actually part of the proletarian class. This supposed class membership is purely idealist.
You are incorrectly defining class. This essence of class is: who controls the means of production, and who decides what to do with the surplus value created, and who it goes to benefit.
State administrators (uncharitably bureaucrats as you would call them) are not a class. They do not privately owns means of production, nor collect the surplus value of workers, deciding privately what to do with it. What to do with the surplus, and production decisions, are determined by decision making at the collective, political-level, not at the private level. This means they are not driven by profit motives, since increasing exploitation personally gains them nothing.
The party is not the de jure nor de facto owner of the means of production, the entire working class is. This is why production in socialist economies is not run for the accumulation of capital in the hands of party members, such would make accusations of “state capitalism” hold water. Production is socialized, and the social surplus is also socialized.
Saying Anark displays a poor understanding of Marxism is not an ad hominem. It is an observation about the content of his analysis. An ad hominem would be “he is wrong because he is personally bad or stupid.” I am saying his categories are weak because they fail to grasp class content, state form, property relations, and historical development. That is directly relevant to the argument.
I also never said individualism is the only or the main pillar of anarchism. I said it is a pillar, which it plainly is, and this has been a Marxist criticism of anarchism since Marx and Lenin. The fact that there is a collectivist anarchist tradition does not erase the petty-bourgeois individualist core of much anarchist theory: the tendency to begin from abstract individual autonomy, abstract anti-authority, and abstract moral opposition to coercion rather than from class struggle and historically specific relations of production.
Your defense of the “authoritarianism” definition as merely “abstract” misses the point. The problem is not abstraction as such. Marxism uses abstraction constantly. The problem is bad abstraction: abstraction that removes the decisive features of the thing being analyzed. A useful abstraction helps reveal the essence of a process. This one obscures it. It tells us there is concentrated power, coercion, and administration. That describes every state and every serious revolutionary process in class society. What it does not tell us is which class holds power, what property relations are being defended or abolished, what state form exists, what social base sustains it, what historical pressures condition it, and whether the coercion is being used to preserve exploitation or suppress exploiters.
My objection is not that the definition is “too abstract.” It is that it is vacuous. It explains nothing of substance while pretending to explain everything. It takes the unavoidable existence of state power under class antagonism and gives it a scary liberal gloss. Then, in practice, it becomes a ready-made tool for flattening the difference between a bourgeois imperialist state and a socialist state under siege. You can say the critique is “against all states,” but that is infantile. Critiquing all states in the same moral register, without class content, only benefits the existing hegemonic order. The bourgeois state already exists globally as the dominant power. Treating proletarian state power as equally evil for exercising coercion does not transcend the bourgeois state; it disarms opposition to it.
You also accuse me of hiding behind the abstraction of “class interest,” but class interest is not an empty abstraction. It is rooted in material relations to production, ownership, surplus extraction, and the reproduction of social relations. The bourgeoisie has an interest in maintaining private ownership of the means of production and the extraction of surplus value. The proletariat has an interest in abolishing those relations because it does not own the means of production and survives by selling labour-power. That is not idealism. That is basic historical materialism.
Your claim that party members or state administrators in socialist states are automatically not proletarian because they administer is nonsense. Class is not determined by whether someone performs administrative labour or exercises authority. Class position is determined principally by relation to the means of production, particularly ownership thereof. A school principal is not less proletarian than a teacher merely because they administer. A doctor, safety inspector, engineer, planner, or workplace coordinator may exercise authority in a technical or administrative capacity without thereby becoming a capitalist. The key question is whether they privately own productive property and appropriate surplus value as capital.
The same applies to government administrators in socialist states. Their existence creates contradictions, and bureaucracy can become a serious danger. Marxist-Leninists have written extensively on this. But a state functionary operating inside a socialized property system, without private ownership of the means of production, without the legal right to buy, sell, bequeath, and accumulate productive property as capital, is not automatically a bourgeois class simply because they administer. You are confusing function with class position.
Saying “they administer via authoritarian and domination strategies” does not solve this. It just repeats the same empty categories. Every state administers through coercive mechanisms because every state is an instrument of class rule. The question is not whether coercion exists. The question is coercion by which class, against which class, defending which property relations, and moving society in which direction. Without that, “authoritarianism” and “domination” become little more than moral labels for power you dislike.
I do not think “authoritarian” is inherently a Western propaganda term. The problem is that it is a vacuous political label: it covers a wide range of state forms and social relations while explaining very little about their actual class content. In that sense, it functions much like “regime.” It can describe almost anything with centralized power, but it tells us nothing decisive about which class rules, what property relations are being defended, whose interests the state serves, or what historical conditions produced it. Precisely because of that vagueness which abstracts away the core of the matter, it becomes useful to Western propaganda under the current conditions of Western hegemony: it allows imperialist states and their ideological apparatuses to flatten socialist, anti-imperialist, or otherwise non-aligned states into a moral category of “bad governments,” they can then point to and shout look at these authoritarians who are just as authoritarian (read bad) as the Nazis.
Edit: Damn I appear to have joined cowbee on the prestigious “anarchist” block list. (An important note that “anarchists” and anarchists are distinct groups).
Saying Anark displays a poor understanding of Marxism is not an ad hominem.
You attacked the person instead of the argument by stating wrong things about him (aka slander). That’s close enough. What Adam Smith understood about Marxism shouldn’t matter in the discussion about what he observed about the economy.
I said it is a pillar, which it plainly is, and this has been a Marxist criticism of anarchism since Marx and Lenin.
I was giving you the benefit of the doubt that you didn’t know any better. But bragging about your analysis lacking one essential perspective is less of a brag than you think.
Also, what Marx said and what Lenin are two distinct things. You shouldn’t throw them together.
You also make wrong statements about anarchism. It is not petit-bourgeois and not moralist. The rejection of being dominated is rooted in biology.
The problem is bad abstraction.
The applied reasoning is inductive, not deductive. The quoted work analyses from first principles and therefore needs abstract definitions to have as a base.
If a math textbook starts with an axiom, would you complain after the introduction that the axiom doesn’t include some corellary you expect twenty pages in?
So your complaint about not including class relationships and other things that happen further down the logical chain lays bare that you’re practicing motivated reasoning: if you can’t anticipate that the reasoning coincides with your pre-meditated beliefs, you discard it with unrelated accusations.
You’re like an intelligent design christian, reading a book about evolution and exclaiming “But where is god in all this?” When the book explains the basics of mitosis.
The proletariat has an interest in abolishing those relations because it does not own the means of production and survives by selling labour-power.
And how does that definition fit the so-called “parties of the proletariat” in the PRC?
Class position is determined principally by relation to the means of production, particularly ownership thereof.
So, do the workers of state-owned MOP keep all the value they create, or is the surplus value taken by it’s owner (the party)?
Your claim that party members or state administrators in socialist states are automatically not proletarian because they administer is nonsense. Class is not determined by whether someone performs administrative labour or exercises authority. Class position is determined principally by relation to the means of production, particularly ownership thereof.
I’m going to take this as a jumping off point to explicate the nature of the administrative arm of the state further for any lurkers out there.
What exactly do state administrators do? Administration is the enforcement arm of the state - they exist to see the law carried out. People think of cops when they hear the term “law enforcement,” but ‘the law’ is greater than just the criminal code; it also contains regulations on worker wages and hours, food safety, and energy usage, to name a few things.
In the west, discussion of this tends to begin and end with “bureaucracy bad.” The libertarian framing of needful regulation as “restricting freedom” has infected a lot of the western working class with bourgeouis ideals and convinced them to act against their own class interests. It should be obvious that clean air, clean water, functioning infrastructure, and higher wages are in the working class’s interest. Capital, however, will always seek to maximize profit, and regulations will invariably cut into those profits. Whether that’s indirectly in the provision of vital services paid with taxes, or directly in extra costs to capital in the form of higher wages or complying with environmental regulations. And in the sense that more regulations require higher cost of compliance, these can be seen as suppressing the petite bourgeoisie by making entering an industry require higher investment which pushes out would-be ‘small business owners.’ The working class can be tricked into supporting deregulation by their desire to escape wage labor by joining the ranks of the petite bourgeoisie.
As capital controls the government in capitalist “democracies,” it has a number of tools at its disposal to undermine its own administrative arm. These include underfunding their enforcement or setting the penalties as mere fees that companies consider the cost of doing business, but also more structural methods, such as privatizing as much of it as possible so that even these necessary functions can be subordinated to producing profit - infrastructure (both physical and digital) in the US is built not by the government itself but by contractors. Likewise, healthcare, transportation, energy production, and even weapons manufacturing are handled by private companies instead of by the government. These things become expensive because they must produce profit.
In a socialist state, these functions are performed directly by the government itself which serves both to keep costs down and protect the interests of the working class. This is necessary because even after a proletarian revolution, the capitalist class continues to exist. As long as it does, it will continue to try to maximize its profits, and it does so by cutting corners in manufacturing, abusing workers, and will always attempt to regain the power it has lost. As such, the socialist states must maintain a strong administrative arm to keep the capitalist class constrained.
Let’s examine how violators are handled between the two systems to make it clear how these differ in their functioning. There are many examples of US corporations cutting corners - consider the Ford Pinto, that was knowingly designed in such a way that increased fatalities from rear-end collisions. Ford was eventually fined in a lawsuit, but no one went to prison or suffered any greater penalty. This is typical of US enforcement actions, and leads US corporations to cut corners and budget for legal penalties. If the corners cut save more money than projected legal cases will cost, the corporations will put out products knowing they will prove fatal for some number of people who use them.
By way of comparison, let’s look at a Chinese case. Most of us over a certain age probably remember the melamine scandal back in 2008, when a Chinese corporation named Sanlu Group adulterated powdered milk with melamine in order to artificially boost the protein content, and 6 infants died as a result. Several public officials were stripped of office, the corporation went bankrupt, several executives went to prison, and 2 people were executed.
The differences between the two couldn’t be more stark. In a capitalist country, regulation exists at best as a “gentleman’s agreement” between capitalists, while as in a socialist country, it is the strong arm of the state, able to constrain capital and punish it for failure to comply.
Sorry, in future I’ll try to couch my insults in tedious redditisms like you did, presumably that will placate the mods. Apparently writing condescending purple prose dog shit like “I will ignore your wrong, and partially ad-hominem attacks on Anark (like him supposedly not understanding Marx). They are baseless and tangential to the discussion” is fine but just being direct and calling you a dipshit is crossing the line of not being insufferable enough.
I am not going to pretend to be an expert on Anark’s whole body of work. I have only watched a handful of his videos, on recommendation from an anarchist I know. But what I did see was enough to recognize: petty-bourgeois anarchism dressed up in the language and strappings of rigorous theory. The starting point it appears is never class struggle, production, imperialism, state power, colonial pressure, or the actual historical tasks of socialist construction. It is abstract “power,” abstract “authority,” abstract “domination,” and then a moral judgment against every real revolutionary state for failing to match an idealized fantasy of immediate anti-authoritarian purity.
In theoretical terms: phrase-mongering and infantile ultra-leftism. From what I have seen, his understanding of Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, and existing socialist states is paper-thin. Socialist construction under siege, blockade, sabotage, civil war, peasant backwardness, imperialist encirclement, and restorationist pressure gets flattened into a morality tale about “authoritarianism.”
His definition of power is fine, if overly individualist: “the ability to successfully enact one’s will.” This makes sense given individualism being a pillar of anarchism. But the definition of “authoritarianism” is yet another vacuous redefinition to add to the pile. It strips analysis of class content, state form, property relations, and historical function. “The degree to which a power structure monopolizes control over the total social implementation of some power” sounds precise, but it tells us almost nothing. Which class controls it? Through what institutions? On the basis of what property relations? Against whom is coercion being used? In what historical situation? A workers’ state, a fascist state, a colonial state, a bourgeois liberal state, and a revolutionary army can all be made to fit vague language about monopoly, coercion, and implementation. Returning it once again to a label for designated bad countries™.
Your claim that defending proletarian power is “not materialist” because it supposedly relies on people with the correct ideas doing domination is a misunderstanding of the argument. Marxist-Leninists do not defend proletarian state power because the people wielding it have nicer opinions. We defend it because class power is materially rooted. A bourgeois state defends private property, capital accumulation, wage labour, imperialist extraction, and the dictatorship of capital not because they have bad ideas but that it is directly within their class interest to do so. A proletarian state, however imperfectly and under real contradiction, is a transitional instrument for suppressing the old exploiting classes, socializing production, defending the revolution, and reorganizing society toward communism not because they have better ideas but again because it is directly in their class interest to do so.
You also misunderstand class when you claim that administrators in socialist states simply become a ruling class of bureaucrats because they administer. Administrators, planners, party officials, and state functionaries can absolutely develop bureaucratic distortions, careerism, privilege, and contradictions. Marxist-Leninists do not need anarchists to discover bureaucracy for us. But a bureaucrat without private ownership of the means of production, without the legal right to buy, sell, bequeath, and accumulate productive property as capital, does not occupy a different class but a different stratum of the same class.
And it is obviously valid to point out that words were specifically chosen for their negative connotations. An unrelated example to show the point: there’s a reason western media uses regime for talking about “designated bad countries™” governments despite it effectively being a synonym of government, it’s the connotation. Criticising this is again obviously valid.
I can tell. I will ignore your wrong, and partially ad-hominem attacks on Anark (like him supposedly not understanding Marx). They are baseless and tangential to the discussion.
It seems as if you claim that individualism is the main pillar of anarchism, which ignores the anarchist collectivist tradition. Anarchism focuses both on the individual and the collective.
It is an abstract term with an abstract definition. All the things you mention can be subsumed under that abstract definition.
It seems you have a problem with abstraction in general. It seems that’s due to motivated reasoning, rather than the wish to do scientifically/logically rigorous thinking.
That’s motivated reasoning. The critique is against all states, not against “designated bad countries™”.
You complain about abstract definitions before and now you hide against the huge abstraction of “clars interest”.
You claim that the party (the controling body of the so-called “socialist” states) has “proletarian class interests”. But that implies that the members of the party are actually part of the proletarian class. This supposed class membership is purely idealist. A materialist analysis suggests however, that they are not proletarian, but a class of bureaucrats.
That’s not all they do. Anark’s critique doesn’t attack administration. But they administer via authoritarian and domination strategies.
I will ignore your critique of the form, since it’s not directed at the argument made.
Edit: I still didn’t see any argument made about how this definition fits the term “western propaganda”, except for “word sounds scary”, which doesn’t critique the content of the definition. The same points would be valid if you called it “power-monopolized”.
You are incorrectly defining class. This essence of class is: who controls the means of production, and who decides what to do with the surplus value created, and who it goes to benefit.
State administrators (uncharitably bureaucrats as you would call them) are not a class. They do not privately owns means of production, nor collect the surplus value of workers, deciding privately what to do with it. What to do with the surplus, and production decisions, are determined by decision making at the collective, political-level, not at the private level. This means they are not driven by profit motives, since increasing exploitation personally gains them nothing.
The party is the owner of the means of production. That’s why anachists call AES “state-capitalism”.
Wrong again. The working class is the owner of production, and elect and delegate managers dedicated to this task.
Name me a single grouping of any kind that doesn’t have managers, leaders, or organizers.
So, can anyone be delegated to be a manager, can that mandate be recalled by the workers again, or do you need to be in the party to be eligible?
Straw-man. I’m not arguing against administration (nor is any collectivist anarchist).
The party is not the de jure nor de facto owner of the means of production, the entire working class is. This is why production in socialist economies is not run for the accumulation of capital in the hands of party members, such would make accusations of “state capitalism” hold water. Production is socialized, and the social surplus is also socialized.
Saying Anark displays a poor understanding of Marxism is not an ad hominem. It is an observation about the content of his analysis. An ad hominem would be “he is wrong because he is personally bad or stupid.” I am saying his categories are weak because they fail to grasp class content, state form, property relations, and historical development. That is directly relevant to the argument.
I also never said individualism is the only or the main pillar of anarchism. I said it is a pillar, which it plainly is, and this has been a Marxist criticism of anarchism since Marx and Lenin. The fact that there is a collectivist anarchist tradition does not erase the petty-bourgeois individualist core of much anarchist theory: the tendency to begin from abstract individual autonomy, abstract anti-authority, and abstract moral opposition to coercion rather than from class struggle and historically specific relations of production.
Your defense of the “authoritarianism” definition as merely “abstract” misses the point. The problem is not abstraction as such. Marxism uses abstraction constantly. The problem is bad abstraction: abstraction that removes the decisive features of the thing being analyzed. A useful abstraction helps reveal the essence of a process. This one obscures it. It tells us there is concentrated power, coercion, and administration. That describes every state and every serious revolutionary process in class society. What it does not tell us is which class holds power, what property relations are being defended or abolished, what state form exists, what social base sustains it, what historical pressures condition it, and whether the coercion is being used to preserve exploitation or suppress exploiters.
My objection is not that the definition is “too abstract.” It is that it is vacuous. It explains nothing of substance while pretending to explain everything. It takes the unavoidable existence of state power under class antagonism and gives it a scary liberal gloss. Then, in practice, it becomes a ready-made tool for flattening the difference between a bourgeois imperialist state and a socialist state under siege. You can say the critique is “against all states,” but that is infantile. Critiquing all states in the same moral register, without class content, only benefits the existing hegemonic order. The bourgeois state already exists globally as the dominant power. Treating proletarian state power as equally evil for exercising coercion does not transcend the bourgeois state; it disarms opposition to it.
You also accuse me of hiding behind the abstraction of “class interest,” but class interest is not an empty abstraction. It is rooted in material relations to production, ownership, surplus extraction, and the reproduction of social relations. The bourgeoisie has an interest in maintaining private ownership of the means of production and the extraction of surplus value. The proletariat has an interest in abolishing those relations because it does not own the means of production and survives by selling labour-power. That is not idealism. That is basic historical materialism.
Your claim that party members or state administrators in socialist states are automatically not proletarian because they administer is nonsense. Class is not determined by whether someone performs administrative labour or exercises authority. Class position is determined principally by relation to the means of production, particularly ownership thereof. A school principal is not less proletarian than a teacher merely because they administer. A doctor, safety inspector, engineer, planner, or workplace coordinator may exercise authority in a technical or administrative capacity without thereby becoming a capitalist. The key question is whether they privately own productive property and appropriate surplus value as capital.
The same applies to government administrators in socialist states. Their existence creates contradictions, and bureaucracy can become a serious danger. Marxist-Leninists have written extensively on this. But a state functionary operating inside a socialized property system, without private ownership of the means of production, without the legal right to buy, sell, bequeath, and accumulate productive property as capital, is not automatically a bourgeois class simply because they administer. You are confusing function with class position.
Saying “they administer via authoritarian and domination strategies” does not solve this. It just repeats the same empty categories. Every state administers through coercive mechanisms because every state is an instrument of class rule. The question is not whether coercion exists. The question is coercion by which class, against which class, defending which property relations, and moving society in which direction. Without that, “authoritarianism” and “domination” become little more than moral labels for power you dislike.
I do not think “authoritarian” is inherently a Western propaganda term. The problem is that it is a vacuous political label: it covers a wide range of state forms and social relations while explaining very little about their actual class content. In that sense, it functions much like “regime.” It can describe almost anything with centralized power, but it tells us nothing decisive about which class rules, what property relations are being defended, whose interests the state serves, or what historical conditions produced it. Precisely because of that vagueness which abstracts away the core of the matter, it becomes useful to Western propaganda under the current conditions of Western hegemony: it allows imperialist states and their ideological apparatuses to flatten socialist, anti-imperialist, or otherwise non-aligned states into a moral category of “bad governments,” they can then point to and shout look at these authoritarians who are just as authoritarian (read bad) as the Nazis.
Edit: Damn I appear to have joined cowbee on the prestigious “anarchist” block list. (An important note that “anarchists” and anarchists are distinct groups).
You attacked the person instead of the argument by stating wrong things about him (aka slander). That’s close enough. What Adam Smith understood about Marxism shouldn’t matter in the discussion about what he observed about the economy.
I was giving you the benefit of the doubt that you didn’t know any better. But bragging about your analysis lacking one essential perspective is less of a brag than you think.
Also, what Marx said and what Lenin are two distinct things. You shouldn’t throw them together.
You also make wrong statements about anarchism. It is not petit-bourgeois and not moralist. The rejection of being dominated is rooted in biology.
The applied reasoning is inductive, not deductive. The quoted work analyses from first principles and therefore needs abstract definitions to have as a base.
If a math textbook starts with an axiom, would you complain after the introduction that the axiom doesn’t include some corellary you expect twenty pages in?
So your complaint about not including class relationships and other things that happen further down the logical chain lays bare that you’re practicing motivated reasoning: if you can’t anticipate that the reasoning coincides with your pre-meditated beliefs, you discard it with unrelated accusations.
You’re like an intelligent design christian, reading a book about evolution and exclaiming “But where is god in all this?” When the book explains the basics of mitosis.
And how does that definition fit the so-called “parties of the proletariat” in the PRC?
So, do the workers of state-owned MOP keep all the value they create, or is the surplus value taken by it’s owner (the party)?
I’m going to take this as a jumping off point to explicate the nature of the administrative arm of the state further for any lurkers out there.
What exactly do state administrators do? Administration is the enforcement arm of the state - they exist to see the law carried out. People think of cops when they hear the term “law enforcement,” but ‘the law’ is greater than just the criminal code; it also contains regulations on worker wages and hours, food safety, and energy usage, to name a few things.
In the west, discussion of this tends to begin and end with “bureaucracy bad.” The libertarian framing of needful regulation as “restricting freedom” has infected a lot of the western working class with bourgeouis ideals and convinced them to act against their own class interests. It should be obvious that clean air, clean water, functioning infrastructure, and higher wages are in the working class’s interest. Capital, however, will always seek to maximize profit, and regulations will invariably cut into those profits. Whether that’s indirectly in the provision of vital services paid with taxes, or directly in extra costs to capital in the form of higher wages or complying with environmental regulations. And in the sense that more regulations require higher cost of compliance, these can be seen as suppressing the petite bourgeoisie by making entering an industry require higher investment which pushes out would-be ‘small business owners.’ The working class can be tricked into supporting deregulation by their desire to escape wage labor by joining the ranks of the petite bourgeoisie.
As capital controls the government in capitalist “democracies,” it has a number of tools at its disposal to undermine its own administrative arm. These include underfunding their enforcement or setting the penalties as mere fees that companies consider the cost of doing business, but also more structural methods, such as privatizing as much of it as possible so that even these necessary functions can be subordinated to producing profit - infrastructure (both physical and digital) in the US is built not by the government itself but by contractors. Likewise, healthcare, transportation, energy production, and even weapons manufacturing are handled by private companies instead of by the government. These things become expensive because they must produce profit.
In a socialist state, these functions are performed directly by the government itself which serves both to keep costs down and protect the interests of the working class. This is necessary because even after a proletarian revolution, the capitalist class continues to exist. As long as it does, it will continue to try to maximize its profits, and it does so by cutting corners in manufacturing, abusing workers, and will always attempt to regain the power it has lost. As such, the socialist states must maintain a strong administrative arm to keep the capitalist class constrained.
Let’s examine how violators are handled between the two systems to make it clear how these differ in their functioning. There are many examples of US corporations cutting corners - consider the Ford Pinto, that was knowingly designed in such a way that increased fatalities from rear-end collisions. Ford was eventually fined in a lawsuit, but no one went to prison or suffered any greater penalty. This is typical of US enforcement actions, and leads US corporations to cut corners and budget for legal penalties. If the corners cut save more money than projected legal cases will cost, the corporations will put out products knowing they will prove fatal for some number of people who use them.
By way of comparison, let’s look at a Chinese case. Most of us over a certain age probably remember the melamine scandal back in 2008, when a Chinese corporation named Sanlu Group adulterated powdered milk with melamine in order to artificially boost the protein content, and 6 infants died as a result. Several public officials were stripped of office, the corporation went bankrupt, several executives went to prison, and 2 people were executed.
The differences between the two couldn’t be more stark. In a capitalist country, regulation exists at best as a “gentleman’s agreement” between capitalists, while as in a socialist country, it is the strong arm of the state, able to constrain capital and punish it for failure to comply.
Removed by mod
deleted by creator
Sorry, in future I’ll try to couch my insults in tedious redditisms like you did, presumably that will placate the mods. Apparently writing condescending purple prose dog shit like “I will ignore your wrong, and partially ad-hominem attacks on Anark (like him supposedly not understanding Marx). They are baseless and tangential to the discussion” is fine but just being direct and calling you a dipshit is crossing the line of not being insufferable enough.